(7) O konstytucji i referendum – podsumowanie

Nie będą to żadne prawdy objawione prawnika-konstytucjonalisty tylko zdanie przedsiębiorcy, osoby myślącej zdroworozsądkowo, o zapatrywaniach wolnościowych. Jestem jednym z wielu rodaków, którzy w sposób swobodny, zgodny ze sprawiedliwymi i prostymi zasadami chcą „dążyć do szczęścia” i konstytucja musi im w tym pomagać a na pewno nie przeszkadzać.

Zwrot „dążyć do szczęścia” zaczerpnąłem z „Deklaracji niepodległości Stanów Zjednoczonych”, który to dokument został ogłoszony 4 lipca 1776 r. w Filadelfii przez Thomasa Jeffersona, Johna Adamsa i Benjamina Franklina. Było to pierwsze oficjalne oświadczenie na temat czym powinien być rząd. Deklaracja nie była tylko przesłaniem do Wielkiej Brytanii, miała i ma nadal charakter uniwersalny.

Dodam jeszcze, że mieściła się na jednej kartce i nie była poddana referendum ani innej publicznej debacie. Polecam Deklarację jako odniesienie do wszelkich dyskusji konstytucyjnych.

Tyle tytułem wstępu, a teraz do meritum, które ujmę w trzech punktach – pytaniach:

  1. Czy konstytucja jest potrzebna?
  2. Czy referendum konstytucyjne jest potrzebne?
  3. Jak powinno być zorganizowane i jakie pytania zawierać?
  1. Czy konstytucja jest potrzebna?
    Tak, konstytucja jest potrzebna ponieważ:
  • Ma zabezpieczyć obywatela przed samowolą rządzących poprzez zagwarantowanie trójpodziału władzy – na władzę ustawodawczą, wykonawczą i sądową – i ustanawiać jako fundament prawa, a zatem kardynalne zasady nie podlegające głosowaniu: prawo do życia, własności i wolności. Wolność należy rozumieć jako przynależną każdemu wolną wolę w podejmowaniu decyzji, a co zatem idzie również ponoszenie za nie odpowiedzialności. Prawo w „dążeniu do szczęścia[1]” zawiera się w prawie do wolności.
  • Ma umożliwić sprawne funkcjonowanie państwa, czyli zapewniać takie relacje pomiędzy trzema władzami, aby nie dochodziło do paraliżu decyzyjnego. Paraliż może polegać na pojawieniu się sytuacji gdzie nikt nie może podjąć decyzji lub wprost przeciwnie, decyzje mogą podjąć dwa niezależne ośrodki władzy (z reguły to skutkuje również brakiem decyzji).
  • Zapewnić minimum obecności państwa – obywatele taniej i racjonalniej dbają o swoje potrzeby – a tam gdzie ma być obecne musi być silne. Tę cechę określa się mianem subsydiarności, czyli zasadą podejmowania decyzji na najniższym z możliwych dla danej decyzji poziomie społecznym.
  • Nie dopuszczać do deficytu budżetu państwa. Władza nie może zadłużać kraju, nie dysponuje własnymi pieniędzmi. Długi zaciągane przez rządzących obciążają obywateli – obecne i następne pokolenia.

2. Czy referendum konstytucyjne jest potrzebne?
Raczej tak.

Nie jestem demokratą i nie wierzę w mądrość zbiorową – dlatego napisałem „raczej”. Niestety żyjemy w takich czasach, że nie widać autorytetów, które by powiedziały jak ma być. Gdyby nawet się takowe pojawiły, to prawdopodobnie nie miałyby możliwości wprowadzenia stosownych zmian. Stąd potrzeba konsultacji w trakcie których będzie szansa na ścieranie się różnych koncepcji, które zapewne po „odpowiednich” szlifach zostaną przegłosowane.

Referendum jest ostatnim etapem w uzgadnianiu wersji konstytucji. Najważniejsze są projekty i ich skutki prawne i ustrojowe, które powinny być przedstawione opinii publicznej przez różne podmioty. Szczególnie ważne jest aby w przestrzeni publicznej zaistniały projekty nie związane z  obecnymi ośrodkami władzy i politykami.

3. Jak powinno być zorganizowane i jakie pytania zawierać?

Według mnie i wszelkiej logiki w referendum należy wybrać jeden z co najmniej dwóch wariantów konstytucji. Nie może być tak, że obywatele otrzymują do głosowania jeden projekt konstytucji będący wynikiem jakiś uzgodnień między ekspertami o niewiadomych zapatrywaniach. Przykładowo przedłożone zostają projekty autorstwa:

  • Stanisława Michalkiewicza i środowisk wolnościowych
  • środowisk związanych z ośrodkiem prezydenckim
  • różnych środowisk prawniczych (Ordo Iuris, Iustitia, …)
  • środowisk akademickich
  • grupy obywateli, fundacje, …

Projekty będą się różnić co do określenia sposobu sprawowania władzy: system parlamentarno – gabinetowy, prezydencki, czy jakiś inny, sposobu wyboru przedstawicieli: proporcjonalny, większościowy, czy innymi szczegółami.

Natomiast uważam, że to o czym pisałem w punkcie 1.  o „potrzebie konstytucji”, musi znaleźć się w każdym projekcie, ponieważ są to zasady KARDYNALNE.

Pytania referendalne powinny proste, na przykład:

  1. Czy jesteś za konstytucją przedstawioną przez XYZ i rozumiesz jakie skutki prawne i ustrojowe przyniesie jej wprowadzenie?
  2. Czy jesteś za konstytucją przedstawioną przez ABC i rozumiesz jakie skutki prawne i ustrojowe przyniesie jej wprowadzenie?
  3. Nie jestem za żadnym z przedstawionych wariantów.

Kto ma być odpowiedzialny za kampanię referendalną i referendum?

Pomysł wyszedł od Prezydenta i to on powinien wziąć odpowiedzialność organizacyjną i merytoryczną (debaty dostępne w wydzielonym programie TV i Internecie).

Wnioski z dyskusji fachowców muszą być proste i jasne dla przysłowiowego „Kowalskiego”. Inaczej całe referendum można sobie darować. Mówienie, że się tego nie da zrobić jest zwyczajnym oszustwem  i świadczy o złej woli i matactwie. Proszę zapoznać się ze szwajcarskim sposobem przeprowadzania referendum.

I na koniec przypominam jak było w 1997. Odbyło się wówczas referendum konstytucyjne, które zatwierdziło Konstytucję przedstawioną przez Zgromadzanie Narodowe. Środowiska prawników powiązane z różnymi ugrupowaniami politycznymi, przedstawiciele partii politycznych i tzw. „autorytety moralne”  wytworzyły kompromisowy zapis (czyli zgniłka), który został przegłosowany przez obie izby parlamentu jako projekt Konstytucji do zatwierdzenia.

Frekwencja podczas referendum wyniosła poniżej 50%, ale zgodnie z Ustawą Konstytucyjną z dnia 23 kwietnia 1992 r. o trybie przygotowania i uchwalenia Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, nie miało to znaczenia bowiem nie ustalono progu frekwencyjnego.

Co prawda Ustawa o referendum z 29 czerwca 1995 r. w art. 9, ust. 1 stanowiła, iż referendum w sprawie istotnej dla państwa jest wiążące, gdy bierze w nim udział więcej niż połowa uprawnionych do głosowania, ale jak widać uchwalenie konstytucji nie mieściło się w kategorii „sprawy istotnej dla państwa”.

Jeżeli sposób tworzenia nowej konstytucji, dyskusja nad projektami i zapowiadane referendum ma wyglądać podobnie do poprzedniego, to niczego pozytywnego nie można się spodziewać.

 

[1] Pojęcie szczęścia jest bardzo szerokie – dla jednych to usiąść po pracy z piwkiem i patrzeć przed siebie, dla innych to zgłębiać zagadkę bytu, dla innych zarabiać duże pieniądze. Drobna uwaga – proszę nie mylić umożliwiania dążenia do szczęścia z zapewnianiem szczęścia.

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